In Paul Kroskrity’s chapter, “Language Ideologies in the
Expression and Representation of Arizona Tewa Identity”, he emphasizes the
myriad roles language can play in distinguishing and maintaining identity.
Through his ethnographic fieldwork with the Arizona Tewa, Kroskrity puts forth
a more complicated understanding of Edward Dozier’s initial work regarding
language and multicultural identity. By reserving their own language for
specific ritualistic practices, only using English and Hopi in other multicultural
contexts, Kroskrity demonstrates the ways in which the Arizona Tewa used
language to construct particular sociocultural identities, rigidly tied to
individual contexts.
For the Arizona Tewa, it is crucial to be able to
simultaneously signal their relationship to other native groups (the Hopi),
while also preserving a sacred space solely for their own use. As a result,
they constantly shift between English, Hopi, and their own traditional ethnic
language, switching practices in order to convey a particular sociocultural
identity; they were either performing as generally indigenous people (whereby
they would employ Hopi), or they signaled their more specific Tewa self (during
their highly ritualized ceremonies). This type of ‘linguistic indexing of identity’
directly parallels the regionalized language of hip-hop; depending on context,
hip-hop participants will employ certain linguistic features in order to either
signal their hip-hop identity, or more specifically, their region of origin.
As we have discussed throughout the course of the semester,
there are a number of stereotypes surrounding AAVE and ‘hip-hop language’ that get
applied to non-linguistic features like race, ethnicity, culture, etc. In order
to more specifically communicate these complex identities, hip-hop participants
have developed varying practices, to be put into use depending on situational
contexts. At times, an artist or fan may simply wish to signal his/her
authenticity as a member of the larger community. In these more general examples,
a basic knowledge of AAVE would be a good starting point. This is similar to
Cecelia Cutler’s discussion of Mike, the affluent, white teenager, who first
employed AAVE to signal his alliance with hip-hop culture. However, there exist
times within the hip-hop community in which individuals wish to further define
their specific individualized identities. It is in these spaces where other
symbiotic practices are enacted.
Oftentimes, hip-hop language is derived from regionalized
slang or speech acts. One particular example of this is the hip-hop subculture,
hyphy. Based in the San Francisco/Oakland Bay area, hyphy rap is comprised
almost entirely of a slang lexicon specific to the bay region. Hyphy is more
than just a regionalized way of speaking, though, incorporating a whole variety
of cultural components, including dance, clothing, drugs, cars, etc. In order
to preserve hyphy’s sacred relationship to the bay, the subgenre’s pioneers
have foregone various record deals and opportunities to make the music a
national sensation. As a result, much like the Arizona Tewa and their religious
rituals, hyphy language is preserved for the culture of the bay region.
Although some of the artists have inevitably reached the national scene (most
notably E-40), hyphy remains a distinctly bay phenomenon. Instead of pushing
their local work on the nation, hyphy artists have teamed up with other
regional stars to spread their work. Similar to the Tewa’s relationship with
the neighboring Hopi, E-40 and others have collaborated with comparable
movements like Lil’ Jon’s crunk music, based in Atlanta. These popular
collaborations allow hyphy artists to be recognized as vital members of the
hip-hop community at-large, while also preserving a space in which they can
perform their sacred linguistic acts in their home region.
In the Ghostride the
Whip documentary trailer (above), you are able to get a basic sense of the
unique cultural components that hyphy incorporates. By linking a profoundly
unique language to cultural practices like ghostriding
the whip or gas, break, dippin’,
hyphy creates a distinct regional identity that is separate from the whole of
hip-hop. As you watch the trailer, you see the ways in which these speech acts
signal more than just hip-hop community; hyphy participants view their cultural
practices as vital to their specific regional identities; just as the video
articulates, “Hyphy is the bay area culture, it’s a movement”. Through creating
this complex regional identity, hyphy has provided people with a way to signal
their individuality in the greater hip-hop world, while preserving a sense of
community.
This sense of identity has become a surprisingly important
factor in bay area politics, as hyphy artists and fans alike have banded
together to combat social issues that have, at one time or another, plagued the
region. Numerous songs have been crafted to publicly criticize the area’s
complex relationship with the Oakland police department, especially following
the 2009 New Year’s day shooting of Oscar Grant. This specific event prompted a
number of hyphy artist-led protests, including Mistah F.A.B. and Zumbi (of Zion
I).
(For a sample of Hyphy language: Mistah F.A.B.- Ghost Ride It)
By looking closely at the relationship between hyphy
language and regional identity, we are able to better understand the ways that
language plays an undeniable role in signaling identity. Further, we see the
ways in which language allows us to shift identities depending on our
situational contexts. With Kroskrity’s analysis of the linguistic shifting of
the Arizona Tewa, it becomes clear that it is essential for people to maintain
a certain linguistic flexibility with respect to identity. Similarly, the many
regionalized hip-hop subcultures provide opportunities for community members to
simultaneously identify with the larger hip-hop community as a whole, while
also preserving a more nuanced, authentic regional identity.
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